Le Parole Che Non Ti Ho Detto Ita
1 - 9Modern editions vary in using capital or lower-case letters for this inscription over the gate of hell. Lacking Dante's autograph MS, we can only conjecture. For the view that the model for these words is found in the victorious inscriptions found on Roman triumphal arches, sculpted in capital letters in stone, see Hollander ( Allegory in Dante's “Commedia” Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1969), p.
In this view every condemned sinner is being led back captive to 'that Rome of which Christ is Roman' ( Purg. XXXII.102), 'under the yoke' into God's holy kingdom, where he or she will be eternally a prisoner. 1 - 3For the city as the poem's centering image of political life, the hellish earthly city, resembling Florence, 'which stands for the self and against the common good,' and the heavenly city, an idealized view of imperial Rome, see Joan Ferrante ( The Political Vision of the “Divine Comedy” Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), pp.
The anaphora, or repetition, of the phrase per me si va, as it comes 'uttered' by the gate of hell itself in the first three verses, has a ring of inevitable doom about it. A student (Charlene Cosman, Princeton '76) once suggested that it also contains a self-conscious gesture on the part of its author: it is through him that we visit this place of woe, suffering, and perdition. 4 - 4'Justice moved my maker on high.' Dante's verse may seem to violate the Aristotelian/Thomist definition of God as the 'unmoved mover.' Strictly speaking, nothing can 'move' God, who Himself moves all things (even if He can be described in the Bible as feeling anger at humankind, etc.).
Dante's apparently 'theologically incorrect' statement shows the importance of his sense of justice as the central force in the universe, so encompassing that it may be seen as, in a sense, God's 'muse,' as well as the primary subject of the poem. The word in its noun form appears fully thirty-five times in the poem (once in Latin at Par. Gilbert ( Dante's Conception of Justice Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1925 – but see also Dino Bigongiari's sharply critical review Essays on Dante and Medieval Culture, ed. Henry Paolucci (New York: The Bagehot Council, 2000 1964), pp. 86-91 and Hollander, Dante and Paul's “five words with understanding,” Occasional Papers, No. 1, Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Texts and Studies Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1992, pp.
9 - 9A curiosity about which there has been only a modicum of speculation results from the closeness of this verse to one in the opening verses of the first scene of the third act of Plautus's comedy Bacchides: 'Pandite atque aperite propere ianuam hanc Orci, opsecro: Nam equidem haud aliter esse duco: quippe quo nemo advenit Nisi quem spes reliquere omnes.' For the first modern discussion see Edward Moore, Studies in Dante, First Series: Scripture and Classical Authors in Dante (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969 1896), p. 261n., and now R.
Mercuri, “Plauto” (ED.1973.4), p. For a much earlier citation, see Castelvetro (comm. There is general agreement that Dante could not have known the texts of Plautus directly (he does, however, name the Roman playwright at Purg.
XXII.98), with the resultant understanding that Dante found the lines cited in one florilegium or another, even if no one has as yet produced such a manuscript in order to confirm this theory. 10 - 10Are the letters of these words 'dark in hue,' as are the inset carvings over actual gates, begrimed by time (or, as some early commentators urged, because they are hellishly menacing)? Or are they rhetorically difficult, and 'dark' in that respect? The phrase 'rhetorical colors' to indicate the rhetor's stylistic techniques is familiar from classical rhetoric and is found in Dante, e.g., in Vita nuova XXV.7 and XXV.10. (For this usage in Dante see Domenico Consoli, “colore” ED.1970.2, p. 65b.) Most of the early commentators are drawn, however, to the first hypothesis (dark in color), while several recent ones prefer the latter. Mazzoni ( Saggio di un nuovo commento alla “Divina Commedia”: “Inferno” –Canti I-III Florence: Sansoni, 1967), pp.
337-42, gives good reasons for favoring the ancient interpretation, opposing the reading offered by Pagliaro ( Ulisse: ricerche semantiche sulla “Divina Commedia” Messina-Florence: D'Anna, 1967), pp. One should also consider the possibility that both meanings are present here. In any case, whichever understanding one chooses, one will have to make a decision consonant with an interpretation of verse 12 (see the note to Inf.
25 - 25The adjective diverse here means either 'different the one from the other' (on the model of the confused languages spoken after the construction of the Tower of Babel) or 'strange,' a meaning for the adjective frequently found in Dante. In our translation we have tried to allow for both meanings. Mazzoni ( Saggio di un nuovo commento alla “Divina Commedia”: “Inferno” –Canti I-III Florence: Sansoni, 1967), p. 348, gives further evidence for the first interpretation by citing Inf. III.123, where those who die in the wrath of God 'assemble here from every land,' a phrasing that calls attention to differing nationalities and thus suggests a plurality of tongues. 27 - 27E suon di man con elle.
Boccaccio's gloss (comm. IX.49-51) to Inf. IX.50, 'battiensi a palme,' which describes the Furies beating their breasts 'come qui on earth fanno le femine che gran dolor sentono, o mostran di sentire,' may help unravel this verse as well: the sound is that of hands striking the sinners' own bodies as they beat their breasts, as Boccaccio had already suggested in his gloss to this verse: 'come soglion far le femine battendosi a palme' ( Inf. Barbi ( Problemi di critica dantesca Florence: Sansoni, 1934), p. Others today (e.g., Bosco/Reggio comm. III.27) allow for two possibilities: the sound results from striking either the body of another or one's own. 31 - 31A much-debated verse.
Here our translation follows Petrocchi ( La Commedia secondo l'antica vulgata, Introduzione), pp. 168-69, who reads ( error and not orror), even though we agree with Giorgio Brugnoli (“ Orror/ Error Inferno III.31,” Studi Danteschi 54 1982, pp. 15-30), that this is a likely echo of the Aeneid (II.559): 'At me tum primum circumstetit horror.' There are detailed discussions of the debate over the verse in Mazzoni ( Saggio di un nuovo commento alla “Divina Commedia”: “Inferno” –Canti I-III Florence: Sansoni, 1967), pp. 352-55; in Petrocchi, ( La Commedia secondo l'antica vulgata, Inferno, pp. 42-43); and in Maria Simonelli ( Lectura Dantis Americana: “Inferno” III Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993, pp. As Petrocchi says, both readings are acceptable: there is not so much at stake here.
Nonetheless, the view of John Taaffe is worth noting ( A Comment on the “Divine Comedy” of Dante Alighieri London, John Murray, 1822), p. 171: '.I tend to accept orror without reserve, not because it is the most intelligible and poetical. On what I take to be the very best possible authority – that of Boccaccio.' (The recovery of Taaffe's all-but-forgotten English commentary to the first eight cantos is a bonus found in Simonelli's discussion.). 34 - 36For the history of the interpretation of this tercet, now generally understood to indicate the presence in the 'ante-inferno,' or vestibule of hell, of the neutrals, those who never took a side, see Mazzoni ( Saggio di un nuovo commento alla “Divina Commedia”: “Inferno” –Canti I-III Florence: Sansoni, 1967), pp. And, for the existence of exactly such a 'vestibule' in hell in the Visio Pauli see Theodore Silverstein (“Did Dante Know the Vision of St.
Paul?” Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature 19 1937, pp. In Paul's apocryphal Vision (for the most recent text see Silverstein and Anthony Hilhorst, eds., Apocalypse of Paul: A New Critical Edition of Three Long Latin Versions Geneva: Patrick Cramer, 1997), there is a river of flame separating 'those who were neither hot nor cold' (Apoc. 3:15-16) from the other sinners. 37 - 39There has been a lengthy dispute in the commentary tradition as to whether or not Dante has invented the neutral angels or is reflecting a medieval tradition that had itself 'invented' them (since they are not, properly speaking, biblical in origin). This is presented at length by Mazzoni ( Saggio di un nuovo commento alla “Divina Commedia”: “Inferno” –Canti I-III Florence: Sansoni, 1967), pp. 368-76, who shows that such a tradition did exist and probably helped to shape Dante's conceptualization. On this problem see Nardi, Dal “Convivio” alla “Commedia” (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1992 1960), pp.
See also Freccero's essay 'The Neutral Angels' (1960) in Dante: The Poetics of Conversion, ed. Rachel Jacoff (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), pp. 40 - 42To what does the adjective rei ('evil') refer? The neutral angels (v. 38) are the antecedent of the pronoun li in vv. It seems clear that this is also true with respect to the adjective in v.
42, and thus our translation, 'lest on their account the evil angels gloat.' The sense is that the fallen angels (e.g., those seen on the walls of Dis in canto VIII.82-83) would be able to take pride in their higher situation if the neutral angels were admitted to hell, since they would apparently be lower down even than their rebellious cousins. That the adjective is to be treated as an adjectival noun for 'the wicked,' i.e., the damned in general, is an idea that has only entered commentaries in our own century. It has not won over the more convincing discussants. 52 - 57Dante's essential technique for indicating the crucial moral failures of his various groups of sinners is here before us for the first time. The neutrals, who never took a side, are portrayed as an organized crowd following a banner: exactly what they were not in life (e.g., the neutral angels who neither rebelled directly against God nor stood with Him, but who kept to one side). And in this respect the neutrals are punished by being forced to assume a pose antithetic to that which they struck in life.
At the same time, the banner that they follow is the very essence of indeterminacy. Not only is there no identifying sign on it, but is not held in the anchoring hand of any standard-bearer; it is a parody of the standard that is raised before a body of men who follow a leader.
Elsewhere we will encounter other such symbolic artifacts. In Dante's hell the punishment of sin involves the application of opposites and similarities. Here the sinners do the opposite of what they did (form into an organized group) and the same (follow no fixed purpose). This form of just retribution is what Dante will later refer to as the contrapasso ( Inf. 64 - 69The second descriptive passage that indicates the condition of these sinners continues the contrapasso (see Inf. Now we see that these beings, who lacked all inner stimulation, are stung ( stimolati) by noxious insects.
Le Parole Che Non Ti Ho Detto Trailer Ita
Their tears mix with the blood drawn by these wounds only to serve as food for worms. Dante's personal hatred for those who, unlike him, never made their true feelings or opinions known irradiates this canto. There is not a single detail that falls short of the condition of eternal insult.
Barbi ( Problemi di critica dantesca Florence: Sansoni, 1934), p. 261: sciaurati must be understood as 'vile, abbietto, da niente,' as a bitterly negative term with no softness in it. Similarly, the phrase che mai non fur vivi (who never were alive) is darkened by its probable source, cited by several modern commentators (perhaps first by Sapegno comm. III.64, in Revelation 3:1: 'Nomen habes quod vivas, et mortuus es' (you have the name of the living, and are dead), a fitting castigation for Dante to have had in mind for the neutrals.
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